Showing posts with label Volkmar Braunbehrens. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Volkmar Braunbehrens. Show all posts

Jul 1, 2013

Mozart and the Myth of Reusable Coffins

The ineradicably popular conception that Mozart's body was sewn into a linen bag, put into a reusable coffin with flaps on the bottom, and buried in a mass grave, is based on two memorable visual impressions. First, there is is the following scene from the motion picture Amadeus.


Second, there is the following wooden exhibit in the "Vienna Funeral Museum".


Of course, the iconic scene from the movie is already the result of a grave misunderstanding, created by poorly informed historians and authors such as Volkmar Braunbehrens, who in his book Mozart in Vienna, mixed together all kinds of second-hand information and turned it into a deeply flawed description of Mozart's burial "in a mass grave". The most fundamental misconceptions regarding this topic can be traced back to the Josephinische Begräbnisordnung of 1784 (the burial regulations of Joseph II). Joseph II (possibly motivated by severe mother-son-relationship issues) abhorred all kinds of religious pageantry and superfluous irrational customs, and, for the plain reason of sanitariness, wanted to shorten the decomposition time of buried bodies. Therefore, on 23 August 1784, he issued the following court decree.
  1. From now on, all crypts, cemeteries and graveyards which are located within the limits of villages shall be closed and instead only those should be used that are located outside the villages within reasonable distance.
  2. Following the last will of the deceased or the the wishes of the relatives all bodies should be carried to the churches by day or in the evening according to the regulation of burial fees and funeral cortege, be consecrated and laid to rest with the usual church prayers and then be brought by the parish priests to the chosen cemeteries outside the villages to be buried without ostentation.
  3. For these cemeteries a place of appropriate size is to be chosen which is not exposed to water and whose soil is not of a type that prevents decomposition. After the area has been selected it should be surrounded with a wall and adorned with a cross.
  4. Since the burial can serve no other pupose than to further the quickest possible decomposition, which is prevented by nothing more than the burial of bodies in coffins: thus it is commanded that the bodies should be sewn into a linen bag, completely naked and without clothes, then put into a coffin and be transported to the graveyard.
  5. In these cemeteries there should always be made a pit with a depth of six Schuh [one Austrian Schuh was 12,6 inches] and a width of four Schuh, the body should always be taken out of the coffin and put into the pit, as it is sewn in the bag, be covered with quicklime and immediately be covered with soil. In case several bodies arrive at the same time, they can be put into the same pit, but at anytime it is to be observed that every pit into which the bodies have been put be immediately filled and covered with soil, which must be continued in such a way that there is always a space of four Schuh between the graves.
  6. To cut expenses it has to be arranged that every parish acquires an appropriate number of well-made coffins of various sizes which must be provided to everybody for free; if somebody should provide his own coffin for his deceased relatives, he remains free to do this; but the bodies must never be put into the ground with coffins, but have to be taken out again to use the coffin for other bodies.
  7. Relatives and friends, who want to establish a special monument of love, admiration and gratefulness for the deceased, should be allowed to follow their desires; but these can only be erected at the walls not in the graveyards, to avoid taking up space there. (Joseph Kropatschek: Handbuch aller unter der Regierung des Kaisers Joseph des II. für die k.k. Erbländer ergangenen Verordnungen und Gesetze in einer sistematischen Verbindung, Johann Georg Moeßle, Vienna 1786, vol. VI, 565-70) 
Paragraphs 5 and 6 of the 1784 Josephinische Begräbnisordnung in Kropatschek's collection of laws of Joseph II.

This is the theoretical legal situation on which all flawed descriptions in the Mozart literature about the composer's supposed burial in a bag and a mass grave are based. But the emperor's puritanical concept met with stark opposition, especially in Vienna where the local population had not forgotten the mass graves of the plague epidemic of 1713/14. To become effective in the k.k. Hof- und Residenzstadt, a law had to be approved by the Vienna City Council. And because the citizens of Vienna filed massive protests against sack burials in mass graves, the Vienna Magistrate decided to remove the paragraphs 4-6 of the regulation from the Currende (i.e. the official publication of the law). Therefore, reusable coffins only came into use in the k.k. Erblande but never in Vienna. The general opinion of the Austrian people was nicely described by Joseph Richter who, in his 1787 pamphlet Warum wird Kaiser Joseph von seinem Volke nicht geliebt? ("Why is Emperor Joseph not being loved by his people?"), wrote the following.
Die Edlen im Volke wünschen, Kaiser Joseph möge überhaupt mit minder schädlichen Fehlern und Schwachheiten der Menschen etwas mehr Nachsicht haben. Unter diese Schwachheiten gehört die Abneigung, sich in Säcke einnähen, und dann durcheinander in eine Kalkgrube hinschleudern zu lassen.

The noble of the nation wish that Emperor Joseph would show a little more leniency towards the less harmful flaws and weaknesses of the people. Among those weaknesses is the reluctance against being sewn into a bag and then being tossed into the muddle of a lime pit.
Owing to the protest of the people, on 20 January 1785, obligatory burials in linen bags had to be revoked in the k.k. Erblande. Joseph II issued the following court decree which amounts to a veiled rant against the stubbornness of his own subjects.
Everybody is allowed to be buried in coffins.
Because His Majesty has noticed that, owing to the salutary order to bury dead bodies without coffins in linen bags, sewed in completely naked and without clothes, many minds have been troubled and – out of prejudice – burials of bodies together with coffins are being preferred; and His Majesty is not inclined however to bend the will of his subjects in this less significant matter which is irrelevant for the general welfare: therefore His Majesty has declared that he does not think of forcing somebody to this kind of burial, who is not convinced of its advantage, but is willing, as far as the coffins are concerned, to allow everybody to freely do what in advance he considers agreeable for his body. Apart from that the content of the regulations of 23 August of last year remains valid. (Kropatschek, Handbuch 1787, vol. VIII, p. 675f.)

The Emperor's withdrawal of obligatory burials without coffins in vol. 8 of Kropatschek's collection of laws.

The documents concerning the expenses for Mozart's coffin are lost. But there are, of course, archival sources from Mozart's time that show as to how the procurement of a coffin for a common citizen was handled and how much it cost.

When Mozart, in June 1788, moved into the house Alsergrund No. 135, he made the acquaintance of Christoph Dopler who lived there in a small apartment on the first floor, together with his wife Magdalena, née Neu, and their youngest two children Maria Anna, and Karl.

Christoph Dopler in the 1788 tax register of the house Alsergrund 135. His neighbor, the shoemaker Peter Dußel, signed as witness in Dopler's probate documents (A-Wsa, Steueramt B34/27, fol. 218).

Dopler was born on 25 December 1737, in Loosdorf in Lower Austria (Loosdorf 2, 255). At the time of his wedding in 1764 (St. Ulrich 25, fol. 188v), he was referred to as "soon-to-be innkeeper". In 1769, he was described as "former innkeeper in the cemetery of the Benedictine friars of Montserrat" on the Alsergrund, (which was closed in 1783). In 1771, in the baptismal entry of his daughter Regina (Schotten 37, fol. 223v), he is documented as working as Goldpolier (gold polisher) at the porcelain factory, and in 1773, on the occasion of the baptism of his daughter Theresia (Schotten 38, fol. 64v), he is already given as "Mahler in der Porcellain Fabrique" (painter at the porcelain factory in the suburb of Roßau). Dopler's speciality was painting the so-called Türkenbecher (turkish cups) most of which were exported to the Levant (F. A. Schrämbl, Merkwürdigkeiten der Welt oder vorzügliche Erscheinungen der Natur und Kunst, Vienna 1811, 82).

Christoph Dopler's seal and signature in the marriage records of his friend Andreas Kuhrmayr who ran an inn in the house Alsergrund 135 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 217/1787). Dopler was best man at Kuhrmayr's wedding on 9 May 1787 (Lichtental 6, fol. 78).

Dopler died on 5 May 1789 (Wiener Zeitung, 13 May 1789, 1213), in the house Alsergrund 135. His probate records are of great interest, not only because they contain a document related to the cost of Dopler's coffin (directly proving the use of coffins in Mozart's Vienna), but they also contain a list of expenses of Dopler's widow which document Constanze Mozart's private funeral expenses two years later, which are not extant in Mozart's Sperrs=Relation. Dopler's body was blessed at the Servite parish church in the Rossau and buried third class for six Gulden and forty-five Kreuzer in the Währinger Allgemeiner Friedhof. The carpenter who made the coffin wrote the following receipt (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 1770/1789).


Quittung
P[er] Ein Gulden dreisig Kreitzer welcher ich / Endes under schribener vor eine thotten / druchen vor den herrn Cristof Doppel Seliger / Richtig und bar empfangen habe bescheine / hie mit wienn d[en] 12 Meÿ 789
                                     Joseph Haiss bürgl: / Dischler meister
Ites[t] 1 f 30 x


Receipt
For one Gulden thirty Kreuzer which I the undersigned have received exactly and in cash for a coffin for the deceased Mr. Christoph Dopler, I certify herewith. Vienna 12 May 1789
                                                   Joseph Haiss civil master carpenter
That is 1 f 30 x
It must be noted that Dopler was not a wealthy individual. His modest estate was estimated at a value of about 34 Gulden. The cost of Dopler's coffin equalled the estimated value of his wall clock. The coffin cost six Kreuzer less than the cowl in which Dopler's corpse was dressed. The following list of Magdalena Dopler's private burial-related expenses provides a fascinating look at the burial customs in late eighteenth-century Vienna. In December 1791, Constanze Mozart – except for the orderly's wage – was certainly faced with having to pay for exactly those items. The list of her expenses, which survives in Mozart's probate records ("bezahlte Konti"), only concerns the composer's most recent debts.

The list of Magdalena Dopler's immediate expenses concerning her husband's burial (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 1770/1789).


What follows are two other documents from Mozart's time that prove the use of coffins in Vienna. On 8 May 1790, Christina Ponschab, first wife of the court singer Leopold Ponschab (1742–1795), died at Spittelberg 135 (today Burggasse 2). Her probate file contains a list of medical and burial expenses that her widower had to cover. Listed among these objects is a "Todten Trugen" (coffin) for four gulden.

The list of Leopold Ponschab's expenses concerning his wife's medical treatment and burial (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 1613/1790)

On April 28 April 1787, the theater director Felix Berner was given a funeral blessing in the Augustinian Church (St. Augustin 2, fol. 48) and was buried in the cemetery outside Matzleinsdorf. Since Berner had died a very wealthy man, no expense was spared for his funeral. In total, Berner's principal heir, his sister Maria Eva von Kanel, paid 176 gulden and 44 kreuzer for the ceremony. Berner's coffin alone cost six gulden.

The list of expenses for Felix Berner's expensive burial. The coffin appears as number 7 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 1007/1787).

The historical facts can be summarized as follows:
  1. Mozart was not buried in a linen bag without a coffin, because such burials were never mandatory in Vienna.
  2. Mozart was not buried in a mass grave, but in a customary "allgemeines Grab" (the usual common grave).
Of course, countless books on Mozart – and even the most recent ones – are rife with stories about Mozart's body having been sewn into a bag and mercilessly hurled into a mass grave. Most of this nonsense is based on Braunbehrens, who in his 1986 book, not only fantasized about "the music that was performed at Mozart's consecration inside[sic!] the Kreuzkapelle of St. Stephen's" (there was no music and the consecration took place outside the church), but also referred to "rental coffins having been the normal equipment of all parishes" (a claim that he of course corroberated with the notorious Klappsarg in Vienna's Bestattungsmuseum). Let us look at some of the most typical examples from the recent literature. To nobody's surprise, Maynard Solomon picked up Braunbehrens's error and described the idea of "being buried without a coffin" for Mozart to have been "a metaphor of the brotherhood of souls". In volume 2 of his biography of Joseph II, Derek Beales (as of 2013) erroneously claims that between 1784 and 1785, people in Vienna were "buried without coffins in mass graves". In her book A History of Opera, Carolyn Abbate states (among many other falsehoods about the composer) that "Mozart was buried in a mass grave". Mozart biographers do not fare any better. Martin Geck firmly believes that "Joseph II spartan burial regulations were still valid in 1791", and so does Piero Melograni. In his 2009 book on Mozart's finances, Günther G. Bauer describes Mozart as having been buried "in the dead of night[sic!] in the usual mass grave". In 2009, Annette Kreutziger-Herr promised to answer the important question whether "Mozart was buried in a pauper's grave", only to claim again that Mozart's burial was not an exception and that "he was sewn into a linen bag". In her 2012 book about Constanze Mozart, Gesa Finke described Mozart as "laying out in a simple reusable coffin" and being buried "wrapped a linen sheet in a mass grave". And yet, in her 2012 biography of Emanuel Schikaneder, Eva Gesine Baur definitely takes the cake. After having allegedly spent "a year and a half of research", she not only has Mozart buried with a reusable coffin (with flaps on the bottom), but also chooses to honor Schikaneder with the exact same funerary procedure in the year 1812. Baur's text sparkles with stunning ignorance.


For Mozart, his friend van Swieten had ordered a third-class burial with the smallest cortege[sic!], certainly not impious, but common with the majority of the populace and also sensible, considering the financial situation of the widow. Schikaneder is also buried in the third class, like Mozart in a coffin that is opened at the bottom, emptied into a shaft grave and used again, just as Emperor Joseph II, the enemy of la pompe funèbre would have liked it. Swieten[sic!] or Constanze had however rented a carriage with two horses to avoid a mass transport.
Only a few remarks concerning this paragraph will suffice. A burial "mit dem kleinsten Geleit" is a misnomer caused by a misunderstanding. The term "kleinstes Geleit" did not exist in 1791. The correct term was "dritte Class". The Viennese dialect term "Geleit" did not refer to a Geleit (cortege), but to the Geläut (peal of bells). Baur's claim that "Schikaneder received a third-class burial" is not based on any documentary evidence. At the time of Schikaneder's death in 1812, the burial classes of Mozart's days did not exist anymore and had long been replaced by a new Stolordnung (regulation of burial fees). Since the parishes of the suburbs had always lower burial fees than the parishes in the City, a comparison in this case is not possible anyway. There is no source that documents the costs of Schikaneder's burial on 23 September 1812 (Pfarre Alservorstadt, Tom. 6, fol. 53). He was probably buried "5. Rubrik 3. Klasse", but this category allowed for various extra expenses that were paid apart from the parish fee, such as the cortege and expenses for an own grave. The fact that on 29 September 1812, at 10 a.m., Mozart's Requiem was performed for Schikaneder at St. Joseph ob der Laimgrube, which was the parish church of the Theater an der Wien, should make us reconsider the idea of Schikaneder having been buried without any effort and completely neglected by his former colleagues. 

The announcement of the performance of Mozart's Requiem for Schikaneder at St. Joseph ob der Laimgrube in the Wiener Theater-Zeitung of 28 September 1812

It is true that in 1791, for three gulden, a carriage was rented for the transport of Mozart's body to St. Marx, but there is no documentation concerning the number of horses that pulled this carriage. That there were two of them is a figment of Baur's blooming imagination. Similarly untenable is Baur's claim that without this carriage Mozart's body "would have become part of a mass transport". Since on 6 December 1791, Mozart was the only person to receive obsequies at St. Stephen's, to be buried in St. Marx, there was no possibility of several corpses being transported to this cemetery on one carriage. All the other deceased persons that were registered in the Cathedral's Bahrleihbuch on this day were either blessed in other parish churches or buried in other cemeteries, such as Währing or Matzleinsdorf (A-Wd, Bahrleihbuch 1791, fol. 337r-338v).



© Dr. Michael Lorenz 2013. All rights reserved.

Updated: 5 September 2026

Mar 17, 2013

Antonio Salieri's Early Years in Vienna

Antonio Salieri had not turned sixteen by the time he arrived in Vienna on 15 June 1766, together with his discoverer and mentor, the composer Florian Gassmann. Gassmann had met Salieri in Venice and decided to take him to Vienna as a pupil. This was the beginning of an eight-year-long father-son relationship which lasted until Gassmann's death in 1774. Salieri's first memory of his stay in Vienna was being taken by Gassmann to the Italian Church of Mary of the Snows (the translation of Mosel's text of Salieri's memoirs presented in this blog post is Alexander Wheelock Thayer's):
And here I cannot pass over one circumstance which always floats in my grateful memory. The day after my arrival in the capital, my master took me into the Italian church to offer there my devotions. As we were going home he said to me, "I thought it my duty to begin your musical education with God. Now it will depend upon you whether its results shall be good or bad. I shall at all events have done my duty."

Right after his arrival in Vienna, Salieri began intensive studies under Gassmann's supervision. An Italian priest gave him lessons in Latin and Italian poetry and he also studied German and French. A musician gave Salieri lessons in basso continuo playing, score reading, and violin, and Gassmann himself tought Salieri counterpoint based on Fux's Gradus ad Parnassum. Since I like to answer questions that nobody has ever posed, I tried to figure out where Salieri lived in Vienna between his arrival and his wedding. This task is easier than it seems, because until Gassmann's death, Salieri always lived with his teacher. To follow Salieri's traces during his early years in Vienna, therefore amounts to research on Gassmann's life and residences at that time.

Florian Leopold Gassmann, engraving from 1815 by Heinrich Eduard Winter for his collection Portraite der berühmtesten Compositeurs der Tonkunst (A-Wn, PORT_00155577_01)

The earliest of his Viennese addresses that Salieri remembers is "an old house by the so-called Wasserkunstbastey before whose windows lay a marvellous view of the widespread suburbs." The Wasserkunstbastei was a part of the southern city walls between the old Kärntnertor and the Stubentor. The exact house overlooking the Wasserkunstbastei where Gassmann and Salieri lived cannot be identified.

The Wasserkunstbastei between the new and the old Kärntnertor (on the left) and the Stubentor (on the right) on Carl Wenzel Zajicek's copy of Emil Hütter's 1858 panorama of Vienna's fortification (Wien Museum, I.N. 95171). Right behind the center bastion is the tower of the Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky palace.

The same area on the model of old Vienna at the Wien Museum.

At the time of Gassmann's marriage in 1768, he and Salieri had moved to the suburb of Josephstadt, into the house "Zur goldenen Säule" ("The Golden Column", today Josefsgasse 8). Their landlord was the upholsterer Nicolaus Heurteur. This move was related to Gassmann's father-in-law having lived in the Josephstadt for at least thirty years. On 22 September 1768, Gassmann married Barbara Dam, daughter of the I. & R. hosier Franz Dam.

On the right Salieri's and Gassmann's 1768/69 residence, the house Josephstadt 52, "Zur goldenen Säule". This house was built in 1708, and torn down in 1910. In the background the house Josephstadt 64, "Zum grünen Strauß" (today Lange Gasse 10, torn down in 1903) where in 1749, Gassmann's wife was born. On the left is the Palais Auersperg (W-Waw, Sammlung Woldan).

The entry concerning Florian Gassmann's and Barbara Dam's wedding on 22 September 1768 in the Schottenkirche (A-Ws, Tom. 32, fol. 196r)
præstito utriuß / iuramento Cop.[ulavi] / P. Lambertus / 22 Sept. 768. / 103.
Der HochgeEhrte H[err] Florianus Gaißmann Kaÿ[serlicher] Com- / positor L.[edigen] St.[andes] auß Böhmen von Brix gebürtig, wohnhaft / in der Joseph Stadt beÿ der goldenen Säulen, des H. / Johann Gaißmann eines Bürgl. Goldschmid, und Evæ / beeden seel.[ig] ehelicher Sohn: nimmt Zur Ehe die E.[hrn-] und T.[ugendreiche] / Jgfr. Barbara Dämin von hier gebürtig, wohnhaft in / Kaÿl. Äschernäl des H. Franz Däm eines Kaÿl. Musici / Hof-Strumpf-Würkers, und Barbaræ beeder noch im / Leben eheliche Tochter.
Sponsus 3 annis viennæ
Sponsa Semper in Parochia. dispensati copulantur / præstito utriuß iuramento.
Testes: H. Joseph Tränni Hof-Musicus.
            H.            Taüber Hof-Musicus.

The third page of Florian Gassman's marriage contract which was signed on 24 September 1768 (A-Whh, OMaA, 74-770). The court violinists Joseph Trani and Matthäus Teyber officiated as witnesses. Christian Fastl's claim in the Oesterreichisches Musiklexikon online that Matthäus Teyber's name was "actually Matthias" is false. His first name was Matthäus and he was not born on 25 June 1710, but on 14 September 1711 (Heiligeneich 2, 176).

Barbara Dam lived at the imperial armory, im Elend 346. The "resigned predicate of nobility" assigned to Dam in the literature is pure fiction.

The entry concerning the publishing of the banns on 11 October 1744, for the wedding of Gassmann's parents-in-law Franz Joseph Dam (1707–1773) and Anna Barbara Stadler (Maria Treu, Tom. 1, 587)

The entry concerning the birth of Gassmann's future wife Anna Barbara Dam on 16 April 1749 (Maria Treu, Tom. 2, 481)
d[en] 16. Ist v P. Innoc.[enz] g.[etauft] w.[orden] Anna Barb. Pat[er] Franz Jos. Dam / bürgl Seiden Strümpf Würker in grün Straussen / Mat Anna Barb. Ehw.[eib] g[e]V[atterin] Anna Barb. Windischin. / Heb[amme] Schillingerin. / f
In summer of 1769, Gassmann and Salieri still lived in the Josephstadt which is proved by the baptism of Gassmann's only, and previously unknown son Franz Michael on 21 July 1769, in the Piarist Church of Maria Treu.

The entry concerning the baptism of Florian Gassmann's first child Franz Michael on 21 July 1769 (Maria Treu, Tom. 2, 575)

The child's godfather, the wealthy court jeweller Franz Michael von Smitmer (1701–1782), signifies Gassmann's generally excellent social connections to members of Vienna's upper-class. The Gassmann family and Salieri now moved back to the city to the "Schmidisches Haus" on the Mölkerbastei where Gassmann's son Franz died of "Zahnfraß" (toothing cramps) on 15 August 1770.

The entry in the municipal death register concerning the death of the child Franz Gassmann on 15 August 1770 (A-Wsa, Totenbeschreibamt 64, CGK, fol. 42r)

The "Schmidisches Haus" No. 88 (named after its former owner, the canvas trader Matthäus Schmid), together with the "Marinonisches Haus", was one of the two predecessor buildings of the "Pasqualatihaus" (built in 1797) which today houses the only extant residence of Beethoven in the inner city.

Salieri's residence in 1770: the "Schmidisches Haus" No. 88 on the Mölkerbastei (W-Waw, Sammlung Woldan)

Court payment records from 1772 (unearthed by John Rice) show that at that time Gassmann and Salieri lived in the "neues Häusel an der Bürger Spittal Kirche" ("the new house beside the church of the civic hospital"). This building was located in the so-called Komödiengassel, east of the church St. Clara opposite the Kärntnertortheater.

The area between the Wasserkunstbastei (upper left) and the Bürgerspitalskirche and the Kärntnertortheater (the orange colored "Comedihaus" at the upper right) on the 1710 Steinhausen map. The small garden left of the church marks the future location of Stadt 1068, the "neues Häusel an der Bürger Spittal Kirche". The vertical street is the Kärntnerstraße (A-Wsa, Kartographische Sammlung, Akt 3.2.1.1.P1.234).

Gassmann's and Salieri's residence in 1772: the house Stadt 1068 beside the Bürgerspitalkirche (W-Waw, Sammlung Woldan)

In this house Gassmann's first daughter Anna Barbara (whose name and year of birth are given incorrectly in New Grove, MGG and the Österreichisches Musiklexikon) was born on 23 July 1772. Her godfather was Gassmann's Venetian patron Leonardo Venier whom (based on Joseph Sonnleithner's 1795 Theater-Almanach) The New Grove misnames "Count Leonardo Veneri". Venier was substituted at the baptism by the court physician Dr. Joseph Quarin.

The birth certificate of Anna Barbara Gassmann (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 589/1799)

After her father's death, Anna Barbara Gassmann was to receive singing lessons from Salieri (paid for by the court) and, like her younger sister, became a "k.k. Hofsängerin" of repute.

A certificate, written on 4 October 1787, by Salieri, concerning the singing lessons of the Gassmann sisters (A-Whh, OMeA 1749/1787)

On 3 October 1816 (A-Wd, Tom. 83b, fol. 331), Barbara Gassmann married the court violinist Peter Fux (1753–1831). Her "second father" Salieri, of course, signed her marriage contract as witness.

Anna Gassmann's and Salieri's seals and signatures on Peter Fux's 1816 marriage contract. Peter Fux, who was born on 22 January 1753 in Vienna, and not in Bohemia, as (in 2025) is still given in Andrea Harrandt's entry in the Österreichisches Musiklexikon, son of a mason from Passau, was one of the leading Austrian violin virtuosos of his time. His first wife had been Johanna Gsur, daughter of Tobias Gsur (1724–1794), who in 1774 had unsuccessfully applied for Gassmann's post as Hofkapellmeister (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 369/1831). The notoriously flawed ÖML claims that Tobias Gsur was born in Gettsdorf in Lower Austria, but he was born in Ziersdorf.

According to Joseph Sonnleithner's biographical sketch, Florian Gassmann died of long-term effects of a carriage accident he had suffered during one of his stays in Italy. Gassmann seems to have broken two ribs that punctured his lung and caused fluid to accumulate in the pleural cavity. The cause of death given in the records is "Brustwassersucht" (hydrothorax). The date of Gassmann's death given in the literature is generally wrong and inconsistent. In her article in the MGG encyclopedia, Andrea Harrandt even manages to provide two different dates of Gassmann's death, both of which are false.

The entry concerning Florian Gassmann's death in the municipal death register (A-Wsa, TBP 68, fol. 6r). The initials "A: H:" at the end of the entry refer to the municipal coroner Anton Hochmayr.

Gassmann died on 21 January 1774 (the date given by Pohl is also wrong), at 10 p.m., in the house of Count Kraft Ernst von Oettingen-Wallerstein (1748–1802), at Stadt No. 206 (today's building dating from 1852 at Strauchgasse 3).

Gassmann's place of death, the house Stadt 206 (W-Waw, Sammlung Woldan)

Gassmann was buried on 23 January, at 4 p.m., in the "Montserrater Gottesacker", a cemetery on the Alsergrund. His lavish burial cost 150 fl 25 x. We don't know if Salieri continued living in the household of Gassmann's widow. On 1 April 1774, Barbara Gassmann gave birth to a filia posthuma ("Pater Florianus Leopoldus Gäßman K:K: Kapellmeister . jam defunctus.") who was christened Maria Theresia Josepha, and whose godmother – out of pity for the widow – was Empress Maria Theresia (substituted by her chambermaid Theresia Kögler).

Therese Gassmann's baptismal entry (A-Ws, Tom. 38, fol. 108v). The claim that Therese Gassmann was a godchild of Haydn, presented by Karl Geiringer in his book Haydn: A Creative Life in Music, is false.

Because the information given in the baptismal records is inconclusive, Therese Gassmann's place of birth cannot be identified. The address "am Salzgrueß N. 307" cannot be correct, because 307 marked the municipal office building of the Unterkammeramt which was not located on the Salzgries, but am Hof.

Therese Gassmann's birth certificate (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 589/1799)

Therese Gassmann was to become a prominent high coloratura soprano who regularly performed at the two court theaters. In 1797, she was soloist for the première of Haydn's Die Sieben letzen Worte unseres Erlösers am Kreuze and in 1801, she sang the Queen of the Night at the first production of Die Zauberflöte at the Kärntnertortheater.

Therese Rosenbaum, née Gassmann in 1802 as Königin der Nacht (A-Wn, PORT_00157342_01)

On 11 June 1800, at 6 a.m. (A-Wd, Tom. 80, fol. 20), Therese Gassmann married Joseph Carl Rosenbaum (1770–1829), a secretary to Count Carl von Esterházy (Harrandt's claim in MGG that Rosenbaum was a secretary of a "Prinz Esterházy" is false). Of course, Gassmann's "second father", guardian, and singing teacher Salieri served as her bridesman.

The signatures on Joseph Carl Rosenbaum's and Therese Gassmann's marriage contract. The undersigned are: Theresia Gassmann, the groom, the mother of the bride Barbara Gassmann, Rosenbaum's employer Count Carl von Esterházy, Count Adam von Abensberg und Traun, and Antonio Salieri "come tutore, e pregato testimonio". (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 636/1829)

On 7 February 1774, "in recognition of his proficiency and skill in music and his accomplishments in various compositions", Salieri was given a post with the I. & R. chamber ensemble that Gassmann had held and which was endowed with an annual salary of 100 ducats.

The entry in the protocol of the Obersthofmeisteramt concerning Salieri's appointment to Kammer-Kompositor on 7 February 1774 (A-Whh, OMeA, Prot. 37, fol. 251v and 252r)

Soon after this appointment to Kammer-Kompositor, Salieri must have moved into the "Heiligengeist Haus" No. 316 at the Heidenschuß, a building I have dealt with in a recent post on this blog about Lorenzo Da Ponte. Volkmar Braunbehrens's claim in his biography of Salieri (Munich 1989) that in 1774, Gassmann[!] and Salieri lived together "auf dem Heidenschuß 361[sic] (= Strauchgasse 21)", is false.

Salieri's own short summary of his career at the Vienna court in a file of the Hofkapelle from 1792 (A-Whh, HA HMK Akten 2, 174)

When did Salieri get married? To get a definite and reliable answer to this question from the Salieri literature is surprisingly difficult, and the reasons for this are twofold: a) Salieri himself slightly misremembered the exact chronology of events, and b) all his modern biographers refer to a primary source that they were unable to interpret correctly. This led to all kinds of misunderstandings and resulted in an amazingly contradictory jumble. In his memoirs Salieri clearly states that the courtship of his future wife Therese Helferstorfer and his efforts of gaining the approval of her guardian began in 1775.
In the course of this year I became acquainted with that angel whom God had appointed for my wife. In the year 1775, I gave music lessons to a young Countess who was receiving her education in the nunnery of St. Laurenz, and whom I had instructed before she went thither, at her father's house. In the same cloister other girls, mostly motherless, were boarded. My hour was from 11 a.m. to 12 p.m., and before it was finished these girls, accompanied by their guardians usually passed through the music room to the dining hall. On the very first day of my lessons, one of these girls of slender figure, somewhat taller than the others, about eighteen years old and dressed in rose-colored taffeta, made a mighty impression upon me.
Salieri describes his efforts to approach the unknown girl which, after a short time of fear and shyness, were finally successful when he dared to address her in French and was permitted to accompany her on her way from St. Stephen's to her home in the cloister of St. Laurenz (today Fleischmarkt 19). Therese told Salieri that he had not seen her on two occasions in the cloister, because "every Sunday she went to visit her father[!] and her younger brothers". When Salieri's noble pupil fell ill, he was not able to meet Therese at the nunnery and decided to learn more about Therese Helferstorfer's family: "I embraced the opportunity of making inquiries in relation to the father of my beloved. He was an official, honored and respected, dwelling in his own house not far from St. Stephen's." When Salieri finally declared his love to Therese, her father was still alive.
I declared to her that this assurance made me blessed and asked when I might present myself to her father in case she allowed me this step. "A week from today," she said, "I will prepare him for your visit and you shall be well received, for my father already knows you by reputation.''
The fact that Therese's father was still alive during Salieri's courtship, proves that the year "1775" given by Salieri at the beginning of his account of his amorous activities is wrong. His courtship already began in early 1774, or even in late 1773. On 24 January 1774, at 9 p.m., Carl Jacob Helferstorfer (b. 25 July 1722) died of a stroke. When five days before his death, he had his will drawn up, he was already unable to write and had his name signed in his stead by his friend Leopold Hofmann. On the last page of this document Carl Helferstorfer had the following written:
Eighth, I appoint my three children, Maria Theresia, Engelbert, and Johann Baptist universal heirs. Since they are not yet of legal age, however, I ask the most honorable authority to appoint Mr. Leopold Hofmann, Kapellmeister at St. Stephen's, in whom I put my special trust, guardian of my children. At the same time I ask Mr. Hofmann to fatherly take care of my children.

The final page of Carl Helferstorfer' will, which on 19 January 1774 was signed in his stead by Leopold Hofmann (A-Whh, OMaA 641-18). The second witness was the paralegal Carl Sebastian Gürsching (1733–1817).

Salieri writes:
However, it was not destined that I should seek my beloved at the hands of her father; that very week God suddenly called from this world the worthy old gentleman, beloved by everybody, who had for some time been ailing. [...] Herr von Helfersdorfer had appointed an excellent and rather wealthy man to be guardian of his daughter and two sons, who, a widower of middle age and ignorant of what had passed between his beautiful ward and me, had formed the plan of marrying her and soon after the father's death, disclosed it to her. Of course there was nothing for Therese to do but declare the state of her feelings and the object of them. As soon as this came to my knowledge, I hastened to the guardian, accompanied by a man of high respectability, and made formal application for the hand of my charmer.
Therese Helferstorfer's guardian Leopold Hofmann, at that time, was also one of the (eventually unsuccessful) applicants for Gassmann's post as Court Kapellmeister. Since the death of his first wife Maria Theresia, née Mayer on 22 October 1772 (Wiener Zeitung, 28 Oct 1772), Hofmann had indeed been a widower, but he soon consoled himself with Anna Kiermayr, daughter of a wealthy goldsmith, whom he married on 2 May 1774 (A-Wd, Tom. 68, fol. 143r. Anna Kiermayr was a grand aunt of Franz von Schober). The "man of high respectability", who accompanied Salieri, was in my opinion, the renowned physician Dr. med. et phil. Leopold Auenbrugger whose acquaintance Salieri had made when he gave music lessons to Auenbrugger's daughters.

The seal of Leopold Auenbrugger Edler von Auenbrugg (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3416/1795)

In his article "Antonio Salieris vergessene Familie" (Festschrift Max Schneider, Leipzig, 1955), Robert Haas published Salieri's marriage contract which is dated 10 October 1774. What date for Salieri's wedding do we find in the literature? Wikipedia (as of March 2013) gives 1774 and so does Edward Elmgren Swenson in his 1975 Documentary Biography of Salieri ("On October 10th, 1774, Salieri married Theresa Helfersdorfer and moved into her house."). Rudolph Angermüller actually manages to present three different dates for Salieri's wedding. In the third volume of his book Antonio Salieri. Leben und seine weltlichen Werke (Munich, 1971-74) he adds an additional and uncommented "1775" in brackets to the date on the document. And in vol. 1 of his three-volume collection of documents Antonio Salieri Dokumente seines Lebens (Bad Honnef, 2000), he again presents this contract with the aforementioned date, only to claim four pages later – for quite inexplicable reasons – that Salieri married Therese Helferstorfer on 21[!] October 1774. Volkmar Braunbehrens prefers the year 1774, on the grounds of "rather trusting the Viennese chancery clerks than the ageing Salieri". Of course this reasoning makes no sense at all, since eighteenth-century marriage contracts were not written by chancery clerks. In his 2006 article about Salieri's family in Archiv für Familiengeschichte, Josef Heinzelmann attributes the contradiction to "a typo in Haas's article". John Rice, who of course noticed the inconsistency between the date on the contract and Salieri's own account, writes in his book about Salieri: "According to the wedding contract Antonio married Therese on 10 October 1774. But Mosel, quoting Salieri placed his courtship and marriage in the following year, 1775. How can we explain Salieri's apparent misdating of these crucial events? A simple laps of memory is possible; or did he feel uneasy that his courtship and marriage had taken place so close to the time of Gassmann's death?" The explanation for this confusion is rather simple: Salieri got married on 10 October 1775 and the date on his marriage contract is wrong.

The first page of Salieri's marriage contract (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 752/1807)

The date, seals and signatures on the same document. The bride's witness was her legal guardian Leopold Hofmann, Salieri's best man was Dr. Auenbrugger. (The bride's name ends with a single f!)

It is easy to see that the date is written in a different, Italian hand and has obviously been added at some later time. It is the hand of Salieri, who, after the death of his wife in 1807, when he had to submit the contract to the civil court of the Vienna magistrate to claim his right to the inheritance, realized that the document was still undated, misremembered and wrote a wrong year on the contract. After all, 1774 had marked a turning point in his life, when he received a position at court which made it possible for him to marry. The surprising delay of Salieri's wedding until 10 October 1775 seems to have been caused by the distribution of the inheritance of the bride's deceased father. The entry in the marriage records of St. Stephen's Cathedral is quite clear.


oct[o]b[ris] [1]775
Der Wohl Edle H[err] Anton Salieri KK. / würcklicher Kammer Musicus und Compositor / ledig geb in der Statt Legnago zu Venedig. / wohnt 10 Jahr beständig alhier auf der / Freÿung in Bischofhauß. N. 316
Mit der Wohl Edlen Freÿle Theresia / Helferstorferin geb alhier des Karl / Helferstorfer der Ministerial Banco depu- / tation Kanzelist et Katharinæ uxo[ris] bede / seel[ig] Ehl[iche] Tochter wohnt in Lorenzer Kloster
Testes [erant] H[err] Leopold Augenbrucker Medicinæ / Doctor et H[err] Leopold Hofman Kapel M[ei]st[e]r / beÿ St Stephan
Ambo dispen / sati in trinis / denunc.[iationibus] depo / sito libertatis / juramento
Cop[ulati erant] 10 oct[o]b[ris] (A-Wd, Tom. 69, fol. 279v)

[translation:]

The most noble Mr. Anton Salieri Imperial and Royal real chamber musician and composer, a bachelor born in the city of Legnago in Venice, has been living here at the Freyung in the Bishop's house No. 316
With the most noble Miss Theresia Helferstorfer, born here, legitimate daughter of Karl Helferstorfer, chancery clerk of the bank deputation of the ministry, living at the convent of St. Lorenz
The witnesses were Mr. Leopold Auenbrugger doctor of medicine, and Mr. Leopold Hofman capellmeister at St. Stephen's
Both are exempt from three publications of the banns. After having taken an oath of being unmarried they were united on 10 October [1775].
There is obviously a comma missing after "alhier" and thus the claim that the groom had been living at the Bischofhaus for ten years cannot be correct. Salieri had not been living in Vienna for this length of time. His wife Eva Maria Theresia Helferstorfer was born on 22 April 1754, first child of Carl Jacob Helferstorfer, an employee of the bank administration of the ministry of finance. Since her mother Catharina, née Timmer was a granddaughter of the regens chori Mathias Timmer (1662–1742), Salieri's wife was a cousin of Mozart's piano student Josepha Auernhammer.

Seal and signature of Salieri's mother-in-law Catharina Helferstorfer (this is not a double f)

The baptismal entry of Salieri's wife Eva Maria Theresia Helferstorfer (1754–1807). The two godparents from the poorhouse mark the generally close relation of the family to Catholic institutions: Therese's uncle Ignaz Helferstorfer was a librarian at St. Florian Monastery and her younger brother Engelbert was a godson of St. Florian's provost Engelbert Hoffmann. The first two of Salieri's own children also had poor people as godparents (A-Wd, Tom. 80, fol. 289r).

The signature of Salieri's wife, officiating on 25 December 1786, as godmother of Aloys Joseph Zimmer (A-Wstm, Am Hof, Tom. 1, fol. 45)

The problems that led to the misdating of Salieri's wedding can be summarized as follows:
  • Robert Haas actually mentioned the correct date of Salieri's wedding in passing, but since he obviously consulted none of the primary sources himself (those were the days when archivists were willing to oblige to requests submitted by mail or phone), he didn't publish the most reliable source concerning the date of Salieri's wedding, namely the entry in the marriage records of St. Stephen's. That Haas actually saw the original of Salieri's marriage contract must be doubted as well. Not only does his transcription (probably provided by the legendarily incompetent Hanns Jäger-Sunstenau) contain over twenty transcription mistakes (such as "anfahenden" instead of "anhofenden", "als" instead of "oder", "Theodoruns"[!] instead of "Leopoldus" – not to mention the absence of several words), it also comes with the revealingly useless shelfmark "Wiener Rathaus". Haas's article is generally flawed and very superficial. His most fundamental error was that he overlooked the contradiction between the marriage entry and the marriage contract regarding the date of the wedding. Had he explicitly pointed out this inconsistency, many of the following misunderstandings could have been avoided.
  • There are good reasons to presume that Edward Elmgren Swenson actually examined the original marriage contract, because his transcription avoids a number of Haas's most glaring mistakes and adds a number of new ones. And yet, Swenson overlooked the main clue in Haas's article and therefore was unable to ascertain the correct date of Salieri's wedding. Not surprisingly, Swenson gives no exact shelfmark of the contract.
  • Rudolph Angermüller never tried to check the original of the contract and twice published Haas's transcription with all its mistakes, including the telling location "Wiener Rathaus". Haas's muddled prose even led Angermüller to believe that Salieri's wife died in Eisenstadt. Angermüller's three-volume collection of Salieri documents disregards the entry concerning the composer's wedding at St. Stephen's Cathedral.
  • Volkmar Braunbehrens lists Haas's article in the bibliography of his Salieri biography, but he obviously never read it, because he also is unaware of Haas's mention of the correct date.
Together with her younger brothers Engelbert and Johann Baptist Helferstorfer, Theresia Salieri owned the house Stadt 1115 (last numbering 1088, today Spiegelgasse 11, replaced with a new building in 1848) which made it possible for Salieri to live in his own house for the rest of his life. His marriage contract obliged his wife to pay him 500 Gulden a year from her rent and interest revenue.

The "Helferstorferisches Haus" Stadt 1115 on Huber's Vogelschauplan. The Graben is in the foreground (W-Waw, Sammlung Woldan)

Salieri's ten-room-apartment in the "Josephinische Steuerfassion". The resident is listed as "H[err] Hauseigenthümer" (house owner). (A-Wsa, Steueramt, B34/5, fol. 107)

The wealth of the Helferstorfer family was based on two premises: a) the estate of Therese Salieri's great-grandfather, the Italian-born hatter Anton Zerleti (d. 3 July 1694) whose widow Sophie (d. 24 October 1737) bequeathed a house to her three grandsons Carl Brentano Castello, Ignaz Innozenz, and Carl Jacob Helferstorfer (son of Georg Marcus Helferstorfer and Catharina, née Zerleti, Salieri's father-in-law); and b) the economic skill of Carl Jacob Helferstorfer who not only in 1752 bought the shares from the two other heirs, but in 1763 also managed to acquire the adjoining building in the Göttweihergasse. By 1771, the two old houses had already been replaced by the new building which on 12 November 1774 eventually became the property of Salieri's future wife and her two brothers. After the death of Salieri's wife, the house in December 1808 went to Engelbert and Johann Baptist Helferstorfer and "vier Salierische Kinder" (four Salieri children).

Seal and signature of the "v[on] Helferstorferische Erben" (the "von Helferstorfer heirs as owners of the house Stadt No. 1154") from 1818 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 415/1818)

In 1828, Salieri's eldest daughter Franziska Thrier sold her share to her siblings. In 1837, after the death of Engelbert Helferstorfer in 1822 and the death of Franziska Xaveria Salieri, the house became joint property of Johann Baptist Helferstorfer and his nieces Katharina Rumfeld, née Salieri (1788–1849) (a goddaughter of Caterina Cavalieri) and her sister Anna (1784–1868) who in 1844, gave her share to her brother-in-law Philipp Rumfeld and his son Eduard.

The signatures of Susanne Wagner, Katharina Rumfeld, Anna Salieri, and Philipp Rumfeld (representing his minor son Eduard) on the 1846 contract concerning the sale of the remaining shares of the house Stadt 1088 to Susanne Wagner (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 230/1842). The seal is that of the lawyer Dr. Theobald Rizy.

In 1836, Johann Baptist Helferstorfer bequeathed his half of the house to his housekeeper Susanne Huber (1806–1880), whom shortly before his death, he had adopted, together with her brother August. On 25 July 1837, Susanne Huber-Helferstorfer (as she now called herself) married the notary Simon Rudolf Wagner (1800–1846) (St. Augustin, Tom. 11, fol. 13).

The crypt of Otto Wagner's family in the Hietzing cemetery where Salieri's brother-in-law Johann Baptist Helferstorfer is buried as well. On the headstone his name is incorrectly given as "von Helffenstorfer".

Simon Wagner and his wife Susanne, who in 1846, after a bitterly fought lawsuit (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A5, 1722/1844), bought the remaining 2/6 of the house from Philipp Rumfeld, were the parents of the famous Austrian architect Otto Wagner. Thus, Wagner's studies of architecture were basically funded by the estate of Antonio Salieri's relatives. But this is a completely different story.

Salieri's signature on his will written on 8 October 1823 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 254/1825)

© Dr. Michael Lorenz 2013. All rights reserved.

Updated: 4 June 2025